Development of the cult of Jagannath
The growth of the cult of Jagannath is just one example, of what is, according to Kulke the accepted mode of legitimization and consolidation of power. The general pattern is of a local or autochthonous god, being taken up by a Hindu, or Hinduised dynasty, associated with either one of the three main puranic pantheons, and then used as a metaphor for the dynasties power, or aspirations. As such the need to do so is based on the idea of ‘nuclear zones’ created by Burton Stein.
For him political power develops in very definite patterns, based on sub regional, regional, and imperial structures. For him, every political power, begins with control of a small region, of relative (to other political groups in its surroundings) abundance of resources, usually with better land. From this surplus is extracted, and a political structure comes into existence. The political system, then seeks to expand itself at the expense of those around it. It does so gradually, using both indoctrination, and military force at times. The use of religion is made to reconcile the primitive religion to that of the established nuclear zone. This process of change or re interpretation has been called ksatriyaisation, though hinduisation is a preferred term. With the reinterpretation of religion, the tribal are added to the fold of Hinduism, usually at the bottom of the caste system. Religion here is used to legitimize the rule of the king over his new subjects, in what has been called vertical legitimization. Once they are integrated into the state, the state is considered a regional power. The next level of expansion includes a region wide move, and involves the re interpretation of this religious or ritual power, to provide it horizontal legitimization. This stage usually includes the building of temples as well, to express the relation between king and cult, and more create a ritual centre for the state. The re-interpretation at this point focused more on making the cult a symbol of power, and popular with people outside the immediate fold of the king. Usually, political expansion at this point involves military conquest, and then consolidation of the ritual relations of the state, at the level of a regional power. The last phase of expansion, is the imperial phase, when the rulers seek to extend control to regions outside their traditional sphere, to do so, they build large temples expressing their ‘imperial’ might. At this point horizontal legitimization becomes very important.
In the case of Orissa, these three stages, according to Kulke, aren’t r matched perfectly, but only approximated, though the model of nuclear zones etc. forms a useful analytic tool to study the growth of the cult of Jagannath, its successive reinterpretations, and the manner in which its relation with the rulers of Orissa was itself reinterpreted, from servants to sons. The rise of the cult of Jagannath is remarkable in some respects, the first being that its autochthonous nature is contested, and the second is that the powers that espoused weren’t really local, but sub regional powers from outside the region, another remarkable aspect is that after the pacratna reinterpretation, it combines all three puranic deities, sakti, siva, and visnu, as well, as its denial of erotic motifs, and finally the fact that it made the ruler of Orissa, while the actual kings are just deputies, and sons. Also the fact that all rulers, right from the first, Somvamsis, who gave it the first recognition, all related it with geographical regions outside its own pale, most notably west Orissa, which was where most of the rulers came from.
At this time the economy of the region was entirely based on control of land, and peasant agriculture. Trade was limited, and barely a source of income for the state. As such, the growth of the state, required the growth cultivated land, which usually occurred at the expense of indigenous population, or the tribals. This was done by imbuing them with them with the Hindu ethics of caste divisions, and according to R. S. Sharma, with the doctrine bhakti. The establishment of this religion was accomplished by settling Brahmans in the far flung regions of the kingdom, and giving them large tracts of land to cultivate. They were supposed to teach the tribals, as well bring with them improved methods of cultivation. However, in most cases, the regions right next to the political centre of the kingdom were also given to Brahmans or temples, who were the ritual and educated elite of the nation.
In the case of Orissa, this process of growth begins with the Somvamsis dynasty taking control of the nuclear zone. According to legend, the Yayati, one of two historic kings, it is uncertain which, rediscovered the idles in the west of Orissa, and brought them back to kingdom, and established them. The reasons for the choice of Puri, were the fact that he was a semi-hinduised autochthonous deity, and also matched the religious practices of his home land. As such then, puri was possibly instated as a rastra-devta, or kula devta, but probably was a subsidiary one. In the legend of the re-establishment of Puri, the connection with West Orissa suggests perhaps that the cult was imported, however, for Kulke the relation is based in the reinterpretation that a foreign king would require in a local cult.
The next stage in the development of the cult comes with the ascendancy of the Gangas, because though Puri was recognized by them, under the Somvamsis it was never given much importance, as they were all devout Saivites.
The two present a problematic situation, because they too were devout Saivites, yet, in the central Orissa valley, their construction was Vasnavite, and in fact, the largest temple built by Codaganga is the vaisnavite puri temple. The reason for this is seen by Kulke in the imperial ambitions of the Gangas. Caught between the declining powers of the Colas, which the eastern Chalukyas were slowly replacing, and Bengal, Codaganga was frustrated in his attempts to expand, especially to the south in the Godavari Delta. The central Orissa valley was a buffer zone between Bengal and Codagangas, and it seems he established some Somvamsis as feudatories before annexing their territories. With the death of Rampala and Kottunga’s assumption of the cola throne, leaving the Godavari unprotected, he managed to annex both the Godavari valley, and Bengal till the Hoogli. However he soon lost his southern possessions and his initial nuclear are- Kalinga was now his southern border.
This political situation, and forced him to shift his power base into the Mahanadi river basin, and combined with Saivite nature of Cola Kottunga, he may have built the great visnu temple. Puri was elevated from being amongst the dynastic cults, to being the dynastic cult. Despite having constructed the temple, Codaganga remained a devout Saivite.
The next stage in the political development of Puri happens in the reign of Anagabhima III. In his sixth reignal year he proclaims himself the deputy and son of the three main deities of Orissa, Purusottama, Rudra and Durga. This triad was the historical predecessor of the actual Puri triad now extant. Fifteen years later, he declares himself the son and deputy of only Purusottama. His wife makes a donation in a visnu temple at Kancipuram. He built his new capital of new Benares in Cuttack. And with this begins the reign of lord Purushottama, for the first time, the Deity is seen as the king of Orissa, with the king as just his deputy. The importance of this in religion and ideology will be discussed later, in the realm of politics it is an important change, given that at this moment the political situation is in turmoil. The Turkish invasions have just begun, and cola power is breaking up, giving him a chance to occupy the Godavari delta again.
His declaration, combined with the fact that he called his new capital new benares, gives adequate indication of the fact that he was trying in fact, to build legitimacy as the highest amongst the Hindu kings.
These political developments happened along with a series of changes in the doctrine of the cult of jagannath. The first, from a tribal post god, to a kul devta has already been remarked on. However in the period of Codaganga, and even more in the period of Anagnabhima III and afterwards, there is a change in cult. First of all, its vaisnavite nature becomes fixed, and under the influence of the last inflow of Vaisnavism into Orissa, a triad of purushottam is formed, with Krishna/ purushottam becoming the central deity, and a removal of the erotic element from the relation.
The first step in this development is the interpretation of purushottam as narsimha, a furious form of visnu. He shares many characteristics with purushottom, and as such, was the perfect counterpart for him. The legend goes that when they were being consecrated by Brahma, the four wooden images disappeared and instead a single image of Narasimha in his furious form with flames pouring from his head appeared. The explanation is that this is the original form of purushottam. This identity of Purushottam as Narsimha is largely forgotten, except in the most secret and holy consecration rites, where the idol is still regarded as narsimha and worshipped with appropriate mantras. However Purushottam had a consort, kamala, without whom he could not exist, and who was integral in his mythology. She was reinterpreted as Lakshmi, sitting on the thigh of narsimha.
It is at this time that the eve of yayati’s building the first temple, and instating purushottama as a subsidiary rastra devta may have occurred. Kulke believes that it was with his advent that the second wave of vaisnavism reached Orissa, and also the interpretation of purushotoma with narsimha became current. And the so the first of the three of the later triad of puri established as purushottam narsimha. As narsimha, it was a mere logical extension to Krishna, another form of visnu. This transformation though occurs in the last stage of the formation of the triad.
We will now look at the evolution of the two other deities of the trinity. Subhadra is seen as a sakta goddess, a reinterpretation of the Khambeshwari, and added to the purushottam cult, as a replacement for the original Lakshmi. This process is seen complete with the building of the temple by Codaganga, which was built for 2 images. When it began is harder to say. She may have always been there as the consort of purushottam, or instead, may have been added by Yayati, to introduce some part of his own cult into this religion. The development of this deity is charted by Eshman, starting as a consort of Purushottama, and with his reinterpretation as narsimha, she becomes Lakshmi, however after this, before codaganga builds his temple, there is a reinterpretation of her as a sakta goddess. The medium used, is that of the sleep of visnu. There is a legend concerning the child exchanged for Krishna, who when dashed against the wall, would not die, but become a great goddess, and be accepted in heaven as a sister of Visnu. This sister, eknamsa, is as the nidra of visnu a representation of sakti, and so, in its inclusion with narsimha/Krishna, in the purushottama deity, includes one of the other popular cults of Orissa. How this interpretation from a consort to a ‘sister’ from a significantly different pantheon is problematic, however, that eknamsa was initially a sakta goddess is definite from the mantra she is worshipped with. Interestingly, while formally the goddess remains eknamsa/shakti, in popular representation she is seen as subhadra, the other sister of Krishna that has a greater role to play in Indian mythos.
The last deity of the triad is saivite one, Balaprabha, seen as a brother of eknamsa, he is very obviously not part of the original group, because the temple of Codaganga wasn’t built for three idols, but only two, however, the temple in new benares, is definitely for the triad, so then, he must have been added during this period. Eshman explains his inclusion into the triad as a brother of Eknamsa: Balarama, who is a saivite god. Politically this move would then incorporate in one cult the three most popular cults of Orissa, the durga cult, the Saivite cult and that of Visnu.
There is a third explanation for the development of the Jagannath cult, provided by Professor Steitoncron who sees the cult being established first as a savite cult under the Somvansis, and remaining so for very long, though, how and when it came to be a vaisnavite cult later on, he doesn’t seem to explain, however, he argues, based on the exclusivity of ht vaisnavite cult, that the deity would have progressed from vaisnavite to saivite, adn couldnot have progressed in the other direction. However, this would seem to point against his own assertions, because the vaisnav pantheon would then never have included a saivite deity. Another point he makes is that the similarity between the original purushottam that changes into narsimha, are extremely great, and make more sense for integration given the saivite nature of the dynasties in power at the time.
After the exclusion fo the savite element, and the establishment of the khambeshwari/subhadra/eknamsa deity, he sees the inclusion of balrama, as only a reinterpretation of the original cult god, or the inclusion of a long standing deity worshipped in the region.
Eshman and Kulka have both criticised this model, and it is unclear to me, what the exact mechanisms or trajectory of development prof. Steitoncron wants to illustrate. I think in terms of the development of the Jagannath cult, the three stages of development, proposed by the Eshman and Kulke is a convincing if not comprehensive explaination.
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
The reading by Eshman, Kulke and Steintencron you gave us, sorry but the cover blew away, and no one seems to have a copy of it!