Q: What were social changes do you discern in the period from 750 AD-1200 AD? Can it be called a period of peasantization and proliferation of castes?

A: The period from 750 AD-1200 AD largely corresponds with the early medieval period of Indian history. It can be distinguished from the period preceding it and following it by observing certain social changes that took place in this period. These have been studied by historians like R.S. Sharma, D.N. Jha, B.N.S. Yadava etc. whose views will be taken up subsequently. In order to assess these changes, we look at a variety of source material, including copper plate inscriptions of land grants, smriti literature, Puranic literature, accounts of foreign travelers like Al-Biruni etc.

The context in which social changes took place is one where an economy with feudal traits had developed, involving large scale transfer of land revenues and land to both secular and religious elements along with the right to administrate. According to R.S. Sharma, there was a decline in trade and paucity of coins in circulation which contributed to a closed village economy or ‘fiscal and administrative islands’. From those who propagated the concept of Asiatic mode of production, this economy was seen as the context of an unchanging society. This myth of stagnation of Indian society was refuted by the likes of Sharma, D.D. Kosambi and D.N. J ha. They have emphasized that such an economic situation would necessitate social changes as there were conditions for development of social hierarchy based on unequal distribution of land and revenues.

In this economy, with its strong sense of ‘localism’, the mobility of peasants and artisans was affected. Jha likens the attachment of these groups to the soil to that of serfs in medieval Europe, China and Japan. With the decline of trade and commerce as pointed out by Sharma, artisans were tied to villages, towns or temples where they had to serve local clients. This attachment to land began in backward mountainous regions to meet shortage of labour as mentioned in a Chinese account of 732 AD, and then spread to other areas. Inhabitants of a village had to carry out orders that they were given as can be seen from the Nalanda charter ascribed to Samudra Gupta which asks taxpaying peasants and artisans to not leave the village and not settle in tax-free ones. Certain Chandella grants talk of categories of artisans transferred to beneficiaries along with villages. That they were expected to stay in the village can be inferred from the use of words like jana-sahita ( together with inhabitants and resources) and janata-samrddha (well populated) . and pratibandhanyojitah. Sharma, too, elaborates on the immobility of peasants and artisans, which forced a strong sense of localism and a restriction on independent movement. The picture of immobile Brahmans presented in medieval Dharmashastras, coupled with regulations regarding sea travel is in keeping with the idea of closed economic units. Harbans Mukhia, however, disagrees as he talks of a free peasantry which wasn’t tied to the land as the land-man ratio was very high.

Aside from immobility, other changes were also initiated by the prevailing mode of production. Yadava talks about the formation of two major classes of the landed intermediaries and large body of peasantry which was mostly dependant and impoverished. The former, a dominant class of samanta elite and lesser landed intermediaries wielding power and authority, emerged with its distinctive character, symbols, ethics, and style of life. The latter emerged and expanded considerably as a result of operation of socio-economic forces, inclusion of aboriginal tribes and acculturation. Yadava, in his discussion of the subjection of peasantry, refers to an antithesis between ruling aristocracy and peasantry and an oppression of the latter by the former. They were reduced to tenants with mere occupancy rights, and there was an increase in size of family, indebtedness, overtaxation and evils of subinfeudation and famine.

According to Jha, this was a process of enserfment of the peasantry. There is evidence to suggest use of forced labour or vishti. Vatsyayana in his Kamasutra mentions vishti. All this added to the woes of the peasantry. Ravisena, in his Padma Purana, refers to the harrowing poverty and wretched life of krishivalajanah.

Thus we see, the subject peasantry was overburdened by an increase in coercive authority. R.N. Nandi focuses on the region of South India in highlighting this by the use of characteristic terms like besa-vagal or bond servant. There was an undermining of communal rights over land in donated areas. For example, Pala Pratihara records refer to transfer to donee of all agrarian rights such as use of pasture grounds, fruit trees, forests etc. There was resentment against encroachment on traditional rights on land, by non-cultivating brahmanas. Later epigraphic records refer to the sharpening of social cleavage between landed intermediaries and peasants. Nandi talks of localities where crisis situations would arise as a result of these tensions, manifesting in the form of peaceful and violent peasant protests especially in the11th century. Sharma views these in relation with internal dynamics of society. We look at examples like that of the Velvikutti grant which speaks of loss of brahmadeya in wake of Kalahari aggression.

Nandi talks of three kind of conflicts. The first kind emerged between Brahmans and peasants. Peasant action was sometimes in defense, to capture Brahmanical land and to counter abuse of landlords. The second kind was between samantas and brahmanas. The refusal of the latter to pay rents and dues incited the wrath of the king and feudatories. The Sorab Taluk inscription in 1117 AD talks of feudatory, Gavundasvami Dandanath who attacked immemorial agrahara of Kuppatur, like an asura destroyed sacrifices of brahmanas and defiled women. The third kind was between peasant and the feudatory. Sporadic risings, acts of resistance, formation of social alliances & rise of protestant sects characterized the 11th century. For instance, supra caste unions of valangai peasants and idangai artisans make their first appearance. The most important instance of peasant protest is that of Kaivartas in Eastern Bengal who were subjected to exorbitant taxes and deprived of their plots of as has been described by Sandhyakara Nandi in Ramacarita.

As we noted, these land grants and the process of subinfeudation led to an unequal distribution of land and power which in turn created new social groups which did not fit into the four fold varna system. Sharma elaborates on how certain texts reconcile property and varna as basis for differentiation while some even wholly ignore varna. They are guided by relative status of feudal lords or nobles. For example, the Aparajitapriccha of Bhatta Bhuvanadeva mentions residence of 9 kind of nobles like mahasamanta, mandalika etc.

Sharma, in his formulation of rise of feudalism put forward the theory of Kali age crisis which perceives the cyclical movement of society through time. The theory, which serves as a prelude to the period we are discussing, reflects on the origins of some of the changes under discussion. It was marked by sharp social conflict and crisis, weakening of traditional brahmanical order, mixing of varnas or varnasamkara, hostility between shudras and brahmanas, refusal of vaishyas to pay for sacrifices, oppression of people with taxes, growing importance of wealth over ritual status and so on. Migration of people on account of burden of taxes appears to be an important characteristic. It precipitated pace of transition from classical varna type to modified varna model of a feudal type. A fundamental change took place in the position of shudras which we will discuss later. This myth of four yugas each differing from the other, is an expression of awareness of changes in the material conditions and traditional values. It has been accepted by Jha and Yadava. But it has been critiqued by B.D. Chattopadhyaya as it posits collapse of the pre-feudal social order. Jha also points out that this explanation can be only applicable to heartland or areas where brahmanical order was well-established. It is best to see the social crisis as an additional agent of change.

In addition to these changes, this period is described as one of ruralisation and peasantisation. This takes place in the context of extension of agriculture through land grants. This has been supported and discussed by several historians like Hermann Kulke and Mukhia. Here, it is important to shed light on the change in relative position of vaishyas and shudras. In the course of transition to the early medieval period, a sizeable section of the shudras, including slaves, rose in social and economic status after getting associated with agriculture. This ascendance was mostly as dependant peasants and farmhands. Simultaneously, a section of vaishyas, descended to their level. Yadava asserted that slave labour may have become unprofitable owing to inefficiency or even easy availability of labour. Towards the middle of millennium, there was a gathering force of a tendency towards the diminution of slavery. Instead we see workers being recruited and receiving pay instead of compulsory labour. The term dasakarmakara in Buddhist texts and in the commentary of Bhattotpala on Brihajjataka is said to mean dependant worker attached to master, neither as slave nor servant. Shudras no longer appear as slaves, artisans and agricultural labourers, and instead take the place of vaishyas as cultivators. A charter from 11th century of Assam refers to artisans, leatherworkers, and agricultural laboureres becoming peasants, which gives evidence for the ruralisation of artisans. Most shudras lived on farming and field work, evidenced by Hsuan Tsang stating that shudras were agriculturists. Al-Biruni notes the absence of significant differences between the vaishyas and shudras as they lived in same towns and villages and mixed freely in same houses. This change is also reflected in some medieval Puranic texts, for instance the Skanda Purana talks of the shudra as a giver of grain (annada) and householder (grihastha) which is clearly reflective of a rise in the status or conditions of the shudra. The Medha Tithi of 9th century mentions shudra living in locality of the twice born and their right to buy their freedom is recognized. By 6th century AD they lost their identity as a peasant caste. The Skanda Purana makes a prediction that traders would decline in Kali age. This can be connected to the decline in trade and commerce as those engaged in it also declined in importance. Their decline in Bengal is discussed by Niharranjhan Ray, who talks of Lakshmanasena, who writes the following at the unfurling ceremony of the trader’s banner: “O where are the traders who once held you aloft? You are now being used as plough or animal-post”. There was contempt for goldsmiths as dealers in gold were associated with the disappearance of coinage for centuries on from 650AD. Manual work became more contemptible in medieval times.

In the discussion on peasantisation, we must give importance to the differentiation within the shudra community. There was a division of shudras into pure (sat) and impure (asat) as described by texts like Brahmavaivarta Purana. Many vaishyas who had been reduced to status of sudras were classified under sat as were those of mixed caste. There was a phenomenal growth in the number of impure shudras, or untouchables.. This rise plays an important role in the proliferation of castes which we will discuss later. This increase can be somewhat explained by looking at the economy. As grants were issued to extend agriculture to peripheral areas, there was an induction of relatively less developed tribes who inhabited these areas, into the Hindu system through Brahmanisation and Hinduised Buddhism. They were rendered as untouchables because of their backwardness. As some were reduced to untouchables, the remaining were satisfied as they took the place of vaishyas. Chattopadhayaya talks about the transformation of tribes into peasants as one of the forces in operation throughout history.

The early medieval period was also characterized by a sporadic increase in castes and has been described by Sharma as one of proliferation and fragmentation. Existing varnas broke up into new castes and new tribes and caste were incorporated into the existing fold. Brihat-Chattivanna was a village where 36 varnas lived as depicted by the name itself, mentioned in a 10th century Bengal Copper plate.

Proliferation was striking among brahmanas who multiplied with the growth of localism. Inscriptions refer to 194 gotras, which all came up due to migration and colonization of new areas. The rise of Srimala or Bhillamala brahmanas was due to element of localism.

In early medieval times, constant transfer of land, led to the rise and growth of kayastha community. These were of record keepers and writers, who had to draft documents of land assignments and maintain records of land, villages and items of revenue given in the grant. Initially they were drawn from the brahmana group but gradually, from different varnas. They cut off marriage and other social connections, from the parent community, and confined themselves to the new community while practicing class endogamy and family exogamy. Rise of these as professionally literate class, undermined the monopoly of brahmanas as writers and scribes. Kayastha were also appointed ministers such as that of Chandella and Kalachuri kingdoms. They were also resented by brahmanas because they maintained records of land grants with which the latter were mainly concerned.

In this new social group, there was proliferation as well. Kayasthas came to be divided into territorial subcastes. At present, Karana kayasthas of Bihar maintain lists of their numerous mulas like Maithils and Ambastha kayasthas who are divided into more than 100 subcastes. “Lower” castes such as goalas and kurmis were divided into territorial groups forming subcastes though there is a lack of written records in their case.

In the kshatriya community, proliferation was caused mainly by the emergence of the new group of Rajputs. By the 12th century, the term Rajaputra came to denote a collective term for the new clans which emerged. B.D. Chattopadhyaya attributed this emergence to the widespread phenomenon of proliferation of lineage based states in the early medieval period. Statements regarding Rajput clans number them to 36, and in general they represent a mixed caste, consisting fairly large numbers of petty chiefs holding estates.

Chattopadhyaya posits that it can be juxtaposed with the spate of colonization of new areas, expansion of agrarian economy and proliferation of settlements. There is heterogeneity in the kind of transformations taking place, which included disparate groups Medas who came from a tribal background and Hunas who were foreigners; they were drawn in due to the rajputisation process of social mobility. Terms like samskarvarjitah are important as this was a euphemism which meant deprived of rituals-as these groups gained admission through inferior rites. Bactrian Greeks, Parthians and others were absorbed into the system as second class kshatriyas. As they joined ranks, castes multiplied. Major clans which played a politically dominant role in early medieval India were Pratiharas, Guhilas and Chahamanas. Chattopadhyaya talks of two stages involved in their development. The first was a political process of disparate groups seeking political power. The second stage became a comprehensive social phenomenon, with multiplication of rajaputras, not just as a result of consolidation of political power, extended to explain growing phenomenon of minor clans and subclans. According to Sharma this was an important development as they played a role in superimposing their clan organisation on the existing social structure based on caste.

Shudras gave rise to the largest number of castes in the early medieval period. Earlier there were 10-15 and by the 5th century AD, there were 61 mixed castes. Conquest of people living in jungles by brahmanised princes added to shudra castes enormously. Suppression of Bhillas is mentioned in this conext in an inscription. As tribes were not absorbed as one caste or varna, we hear of abhira brahmanas, abhira kshatriya, abhira vaishya. A Kalachuri inscription, of the 12th century talks of deliverance of the Ratanpur prince, Jajjalladeva II, from the clutches of the tribe, Thirus or Tharus which was celebrated with the donation of villages to brahmanas. There, brahmanas inducted tribal people into the cultural fold, supplied material culture of brahmanas, taught the script, language, plough cultivation, knowledge about crops, seasons etc. These tribal people were accommodated as pure or impure shudras.

Another significant process was the transformation of crafts into castes. As trade languished, craft guilds became stagnant, immobile, hereditary and localized. Guilds turned into closed exclusive groups resembling castes for all practical purposes. Craft villages are mentioned in medieval inscriptions, such as two refer to kumbharapadraka which signified potter caste.

Also, as religious affiliations multiplied, there was a parallel multiplication in castes. Shaivism, Vaishnavism, Buddhism and Jainism broke into numerous sects due to differences in rituals, food and dress, sustained by regional practices. For instance, Jainism had 7 in Karnataka. The irony, as pointed out by Sharma was that sects which had come up to remove caste got swallowed up by the caste system.

Thus we have seen that the early medieval period was characterized by tremendous social changes, which were set in the context of the economic features of that period. Aside from witnessing the emergence of new groups like kayastha and rajputs, it also saw the subjection of the already existing peasantry. There was a peasantisation population with the extensiuon of agriculture and proliferation of numerous castes. These changes laid groundwork for further changes that were too take place which have helped shape our modern day social identities.

Bibliography:

  1. Sharma, R.S., 1995, ‘Perspectives in Social and Economic History of India’, New Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers.
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